The Hundred Years' War continued for 22 years after her death. Charles VII succeeded in retaining legitimacy as king of France in spite of a rival coronation held for Henry VI in December 1431 on the boy's tenth birthday. Before England could rebuild its military leadership and longbow corps lost during 1429, the country lost its alliance with Burgundy at the
Treaty of Arras in 1435. The duke of Bedford died the same year and Henry VI became the youngest king of England to rule without a regent. That treaty and his weak leadership were probably the most important factors in ending the conflict. Kelly DeVries argues that Joan of Arc's aggressive use of artillery and frontal assaults influenced French tactics for the rest of the war.
Joan became a semi-legendary figure for the next four centuries. One of the many legends that has circulated about her, though unsubstantiated, is that she was miraculously spared from feeling the actual pain of the fire during her execution, and died a physically, as well as spiritually peaceful death. However, the best known film and stage dramatizations of her life clearly show her experiencing at least some pain at the time of the execution, with the notable exception of Shaw's play </i>
Saint Joan, but that is only because the burning takes place offstage in the play - it is shown in the 1957 Otto Preminger film version with Jean Seberg.
The main sources of information about her were chronicles. Five original manuscripts of her condemnation trial surfaced in old archives during the 19th century. Soon historians also located the complete records of her rehabilitation trial, which contained sworn testimony from 115 witnesses, and the original French notes for the Latin condemnation trial transcript. Various contemporary letters also emerged, three of which carry the signature "Jehanne" in the unsteady hand of a person learning to write. This unusual wealth of primary source material is one reason DeVries declares, "No person of the Middle Ages, male or female, has been the subject of more study".<bgref>DeVries in <i>Fresh Verdicts on Joan of Arc, ed. Bonnie Wheeler, p. 3.</bgref>
She came from an obscure village and rose to prominence when she was barely more than a child and she did so as an uneducated peasant. French and English kings had justified the ongoing war through competing interpretations of the thousand-year-old
Salic law. The conflict had been an inheritance feud between monarchs. She gave meaning to appeals such as that of squire Jean de Metz when he asked, "Must the king be driven from the kingdom; and are we to be English?" In the words of Stephen Richey, "She turned what had been a dry dynastic squabble that left the common people unmoved except for their own suffering into a passionately popular war of national liberation." Richey also expresses the breadth of her subsequent appeal:
:</i>The people who came after her in the five centuries since her death tried to make everything of her: demonic fanatic, spiritual mystic, naive and tragically ill-used tool of the powerful, creator and icon of modern popular nationalism, adored heroine, saint. She insisted, even when threatened with torture and faced with death by fire, that she was guided by voices from God. Voices or no voices, her achievements leave anyone who knows her story shaking his head in amazed wonder.''
In 1452, during the postwar investigation into her execution, the Church declared that a religious play in her honor at Orléans would qualify as a
pilgrimage meriting an
indulgence. She became a symbol of the
Catholic League during the 16th century.
Félix Dupanloup, bishop of Orléans from 1849 to 1878, led the effort for Joan's eventual
beatification in 1909. Her
canonization followed on
16 May 1920. Her feast day is
30 May. She has become one of the most popular saints of the Roman Catholic Church.
Joan was not a feminist. She operated within a religious tradition that believed an exceptional person from any level of society might receive a divine calling. She expelled women from the French army and may have struck one stubborn camp follower with the flat of a sword. Nonetheless, some of her most significant aid came from women. Charles VII's mother-in-law, Yolande of Aragon, confirmed Joan's virginity and financed her departure to Orléans. Joan of Luxembourg, aunt to the count of Luxembourg who held custody of her after Compiègne, alleviated her conditions of captivity and may have delayed her sale to the English. Finally,
Anne of Burgundy, the duchess of Bedford and wife to the regent of England, declared Joan a virgin during pretrial inquiries. For technical reasons this prevented the court from charging her with witchcraft. Ultimately this provided part of the basis for her vindication and sainthood. From
Christine de Pizan to the present, women have looked to her as a positive example of a brave and active female.
Joan has been a political symbol in France since the time of
Napoleon. Liberals emphasized her humble origins. Early
conservatives stressed her support of the monarchy. Later conservatives recalled her nationalism. During
World War II, both the
Vichy Regime and the
French Resistance used her image: Vichy propaganda remembered her campaign against the English with posters that showed British warplanes bombing
Rouen and the ominous caption: "They Always Return to the Scene of Their Crimes." The resistance emphasized her fight against foreign occupation and her origins in the province of
Lorraine, which had fallen under
Nazi control.
Traditional Catholics, especially in France, also use her as a symbol of inspiration, often comparing the 1988 excommunication of Archbishop
Marcel Lefebvre (founder of the
Society of St. Pius X and a dissident against the Vatican II reforms) to Joan's excommunication. Three separate vessels of the
French Navy have been named after her, including a
helicopter carrier currently in active service. At present the controversial
French far-right political party
Front National holds rallies at her statues, reproduces her likeness in party publications, and uses a tricolor flame partly symbolic of her martyrdom as its emblem. This party's opponents sometimes satirize its appropriation of her image. The French civic holiday in her honor is the second Sunday of May.