By that time Cecil had begun to trim his sails to a different breeze. He was in secret communication with the future
Elizabeth I before Mary died, and from the first the new Queen relied on Cecil as she relied on no one else. Her confidence was not misplaced; Cecil was exactly the kind of
minister England then required.
Personal experience had ripened his rare natural gift for avoiding dangers. It was no time for brilliant initiative or adventurous politics; the need was to avoid
Scylla and Charybdis, and a
via media (middle way) had to be found in Church and State, at home and abroad. Cecil was not a political genius; no great ideas emanated from his brain. But he was eminently a safe man, not an original thinker, but a counsellor of unrivalled wisdom. Caution was his supreme characteristic; he saw that above all things England required time. He restored the fortunes of his country by deliberation. He averted open rupture until England was strong enough to stand the shock.
Cecil was not a religious zealot; he aided the
Huguenots and the
Dutch just enough to keep them going in the struggles which warded danger off from England's shores. But Cecil never developed that passionate aversion from decided measures which became a second nature to his mistress. His intervention in Scotland in 1559–1560 showed that he could strike on occasion; and his action over the execution of
Mary, Queen of Scots, proved that he was willing to take responsibility from which Elizabeth shrank.
Generally he was in favour of more decided intervention on behalf of continental Protestants than Elizabeth would admit, but it is not always easy to ascertain the advice he gave. He has left endless
memoranda lucidly setting forth the pros and cons of every course of action; but there are few indications of the line which he actually recommended when it came to a decision. How far he was personally responsible for the
Anglican Settlement, the
Poor Laws, and the
foreign policy of the reign, how far he was thwarted by the baleful influence of
Leicester and the
caprices of the Queen, remains to a large extent a matter of conjecture.
His share in the
religious Settlement of 1559 was considerable, and it coincided fairly with his own somewhat indeterminate religious views. Like the mass of the nation, he grew more Protestant as time wore on; he was readier to persecute
Papists than
Puritans; he had no love for ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and he warmly remonstrated with
John Whitgift over his persecuting Articles of
1583. The finest
encomium was passed on him by the queen herself, when she said, "This judgment I have of you, that you will not be corrupted with any manner of gifts, and that you will be faithful to the state."
From 1558 for forty years, the biography of Cecil is almost indistinguishable from that of Elizabeth and from the history of England. When she came to the throne in
1558, she appointed him
Secretary of State. Of personal incident, apart from his mission to Scotland in 1560, there is little. He represented
Lincolnshire in the Parliament of 1559, and
Northamptonshire in that of 1563, and he took an active part in the proceedings of the
House of Commons until his elevation to the
peerage; but there seems no good evidence for the story that he was proposed as
Speaker in 1563. In January 1561, he was given the lucrative office of Master of the
Court of Wards and Liveries in succession to Sir Thomas Parry, and he did something to reform that instrument of tyranny and abuse. In February 1559, he was elected
Chancellor of Cambridge University in succession to Cardinal Pole; he was created
M.A. of that university on the occasion of Elizabeth's visit in 1564, and M.A. of Oxford on a similar occasion in 1566.
He was the first Chancellor of
Trinity College, Dublin between
1592 and
1598.
The American international relations theorist
Hans Morgenthau claimed Burghley accepted a pension (a bribe) from Spain, although Burghley's biographer Conyers Read has claimed that there is no evidence for this.
On
25 February 1571, in anticipation of the impending marriage between Cecil's daughter Anne (b. 1556) to
Edward de Vere, 17th Earl of Oxford, Queen Elizabeth created him
Baron Burghley. The fact that he continued to act as Secretary of State after his elevation illustrates the growing importance of that office, which under his son became a secretary of the ship of state. In 1572, however,
Lord Winchester, who had been
Lord High Treasurer under Edward, Mary and Elizabeth, died, and Burghley succeeded to his post. It was a signal triumph over Leicester; and, although Burghley had still to reckon with
cabals in the council and at court, his hold over the queen strengthened with the lapse of years. He collapsed (possibly from a stroke or heart attack) in 1592. Before he died, Robert, his only surviving son by his second wife, was ready to step into his shoes as the Queen's principal adviser. Having survived all his rivals, and all his children except Robert and Thomas, Burghley died at his
London residence on
4 August 1598, and was buried in St. Martin's church, Stamford.
His younger son,
Sir Robert Cecil (later created Baron Cecil, Viscount Cranborne and finally
Earl of Salisbury), inherited his political mantle, taking on the role of chief minister and arranging a smooth transfer of power to the
Stuart administration under
King James I. His elder son,
Sir Thomas Cecil, who inherited the Barony of Burghley on his death, was later created
Earl of Exeter.