Revolutionary constitutional reign, 1789–1792
On
5 October 1789, an angry mob of women from the Parisian underclass who had been incited by revolutionaries
marched on the
Palace of Versailles, where the royal family lived. During the night, they infiltrated the palace and attempted to kill the Queen, who was associated with a frivolous lifestyle that symbolized much that was despised about the Ancient Regime. After the situation had been diffused, the King and his family were brought back by the crowd to Paris to live in the
Tuileries Palace.
Initially, after the removal of the royal family to Paris, Louis maintained a high popularity and was obliging to the social, political, and economic reforms of the Revolution. Unbeknownst to the public, however, recent scholarship has concluded that Louis began to suffer at the time from severe bouts of
clinical depression, which left him prone to paralyzing indecisiveness. During these indecisive moments, his wife, the unpopular Queen, was essentially forced into assuming the role of decision-maker for the Crown.
The Revolution's principles of popular sovereignty, though central to democratic principles of later eras, marked a decisive break from the absolute monarchical principle of throne and altar that was at the heart of traditional French government. As a result, the Revolution was opposed by many of the rural people of France and by practically all the governments of France's neighbors. As the Revolution became more radical, several leading figures in the initial revolutionary movement themselves eventually began questioning the principles of popular control of government. Some, notably
Honoré Mirabeau, secretly plotted to restore the power of the Crown in a new constitutional form.
However, Mirabeau's sudden death, and Louis's depression, fatally weakened developments in that area. Louis was nowhere near as reactionary as his right-wing brothers, the
Comte de Provence and the
Comte d'Artois, and he sent repeated messages publicly and privately calling on them to halt their attempts to launch counter-coups (often through his secretly nominated regent, former minister de Brienne). However, he was alienated from the new democratic government both by its negative reaction to the traditional role of the monarch and in its treatment of him and his family. He was particularly irked by being kept essentially as a prisoner in the Tuileries, where his wife was forced humiliatingly to have revolutionary soldiers in her private bedroom watching her as she slept, and by the refusal of the new regime to allow him to have Catholic confessors and priests of his choice rather than 'constitutional priests' created by the Revolution.
On
21 June 1791, Louis attempted to
flee secretly with his family from Paris to the royalist fortress town of
Montmédy on the northeastern border of France in the hope of forcing a more moderate swing in the Revolution than was deemed possible in radical Paris. However, flaws in the escape plan caused sufficient delays to enable the royal refugees to be recognized and captured along the way at
Varennes. Supposedly Louis was captured while trying to make a purchase at a store, where the clerk recognized him. According to the legend, Louis was recognized because the coin used as payment featured an accurate portrait of him. He was returned to Paris, where he remained indubitably as constitutional king, though under effective
house-arrest.
The other
monarchies of Europe looked with concern at the developments in France, and considered whether they should intervene, either in support of Louis or to take advantage of the chaos in France. The key figure was Marie Antoinette's brother, the Holy Roman Emperor
Leopold II, who had initially looked on the Revolution with equanimity, but became more and more disturbed as the Revolution became more radical, although he still hoped to avoid war. On
27 August, Leopold and King
Frederick William II of
Prussia, in consultation with
émigré French nobles, issued the
Declaration of Pilnitz, which declared the interest of the monarchs of Europe in the well-being of Louis and his family, and threatened vague but severe consequences if anything should befall them. Although Leopold saw the Pillnitz Declaration as a way of taking action that would enable him to avoid actually doing anything about France, at least for the moment, it was seen in France as a serious threat and was denounced by the revolutionary leaders.
In addition to the ideological differences between France and the monarchical powers of Europe, there were continuing disputes over the status of Austrian estates in
Alsace, and the concern of members of the
National Constituent Assembly about the agitation of emigré nobles abroad, especially in the
Austrian Netherlands and the minor states of
Germany.
In the end, the
Legislative Assembly, supported by Louis, declared war on the Holy Roman Empire first, voting for war on
20 April 1792, after a long list of grievances were presented to it by the foreign minister,
Charles François Dumouriez. Dumouriez prepared an immediate invasion of the Austrian Netherlands, where he expected the local population to rise against Austrian rule. However, the Revolution had thoroughly disorganized the army, and the forces raised were insufficient for the invasion. The soldiers fled at the first sign of battle, deserting
en masse and in one case, murdering their general.
While the revolutionary government frantically raised fresh troops and reorganized its armies, a mostly Prussian allied army under
Charles William Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick assembled at
Koblenz on the Rhine. In July, the invasion commenced, with Brunswick's army easily taking the fortresses of
Longwy and
Verdun. Brunswick then issued on
25 July a proclamation, written by Louis' émigré cousin, the
Prince of Condé, declaring the intent of the Austrians and Prussians to restore the King to his full powers and to treat any person or town who opposed them as rebels to be condemned to death by martial-law.
Contrary to its intended purpose of strengthening the position of the King against the revolutionaries, the
Brunswick Manifesto had the opposite effect of greatly undermining Louis' already highly tenuous position in Paris. It was taken by many to be the final proof of a collusion between Louis and foreign powers in a conspiracy against his own country. The anger of the populace boiled over on
10 August when a mob — with the backing of a new municipal government of
Paris that came to be known as the "insurrectionary"
Paris Commune —
besieged the Tuileries Palace. The King and the royal family took shelter with the
Legislative Assembly.